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Leaders Centrifugal Spain —— Umbrage in Catalonia
先驅 沙盤上的西班牙：陰雲籠罩加泰羅尼亞
Even though the spectre of secession is an unwelcome distraction, Spain still needs to change
分裂的陰影分散瞭西班牙的註意力，盡管不受歡迎，但這個國傢依舊需要變革
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George Orwell, a British writer, fought in the trenches in the Spanish civil war to defend Catalonia from General Franco. He would surely be saddened by what is going on in that beautiful, cultured corner of Spain. On November 25th Catalans will vote in a regional election called as an unofficial referendum on independence. Since Catalonia represents a big chunk of the euro zone ’ s fourth-largest economy, and since Spain is in the front-line of efforts to save the euro, the vote and its aftermath will be felt farther afield.
英國作傢喬治 · 奧威爾曾經參加過西班牙內戰，保衛過加泰羅尼亞，抵禦瞭佛朗哥將軍的部隊。如果他還在世，定會為在這個美麗文明的西班牙東北角上演的悲劇而痛心。11 月 25 日加泰羅尼亞人將進行地區性選舉，也作非正式獨立公投。由於加泰羅尼亞是歐元區第四大經濟體西班牙的重要一部分，且西班牙又處在拯救歐元行動的前線，無疑這次投票及其結果都將產生及其深遠的影響。
What could be wrong with 7.5m people with their own language and culture choosing to become a nation-state? At first blush, it is hard to object to what Catalan nationalists call the "right to decide". In fact, there are many reasons why Catalans should not waste their energy trying to break away from Spain. Start by recalling Orwell ’ s definition of nationalism as "power-hunger tempered by self-deception"。
加泰羅尼亞擁有 750 萬人口和屬於自己的語言，選擇獨立何錯之有 ? 乍一看，似乎很難反駁加泰羅尼亞民族主義者所謂的 " 自主決定權 "。事實上，有很多理由解釋瞭為什麼加泰羅尼亞不應該在爭取獨立這件事上耗費精力。首先回顧一下奧威爾對於名族主義的定義：" 一種因自欺而產生的權利饑渴 "。
Under Spain ’ s constitution of 1978, Catalonia enjoys more self-government than almost any other corner of Europe. It runs its own schools, hospitals, police, prisons and cultural institutions. It lacks only tax-raising powers and the Ruritanian trappings of statehood, which nationalist politicians appear to be hungry for. As for the self-deception, this is sometimes farcical: Catalan public television offers a weather forecast that includes provinces that have been part of France since 1659, but no meteorological information for Zaragoza or Madrid. And most Catalans still seem happy to be both Catalans and Spaniards. Support for independence has risen mainly because Catalans think it would offer relief from recession.
依照西班牙 1978 年的憲法，加泰羅尼亞享有比歐洲其他地區更多的自治權，擁有自己的學校、醫院、警察、監獄和文化機構，但唯獨沒有征稅的權利和理想王國的標志，即被承認的國傢地位。而後兩者正是名族主義者所覬覦的。談到自欺，有時很可笑：加泰羅尼亞公共電視的天氣預報會播放早在 1695 年就隸屬法國的一些行省的天氣預報，卻不播報薩拉戈薩或馬德裡的氣象信息。而且加泰羅尼亞人似乎很滿意自己既屬於加泰羅尼亞又屬於西班牙。他們支持獨立主要是因為他們覺得這樣能減輕經濟衰退帶來的痛苦。
It would not. An independent Catalonia would have more fiscal revenues, but it would also have a higher debt burden than Spain. The argument that Catalans should not subsidize feckless Andalusians is a dangerous one: apply that more widely and the euro zone would fall apart. Indeed, far from welcoming Catalonia as an independent member, the euro zone ’ s leaders hardly yearn for an extra nation-state.
然而事實並非真如他們所想。如果獨立，泰羅尼亞人民將上繳更多的稅，而且承受的債務壓力要比沒有獨立時還大。有人認為安達魯西亞人軟弱無用，加泰羅尼亞不應對其進行補助，但這一論調很危險：若廣泛采納，每個國傢都這麼想，歐元區將分崩離析。誠然，歐元區領導人一點也不支持加泰羅尼亞獨立，不希望多出一個國傢來。
Spilling the Spanish beans
道破天機
All that said, the Catalan problem cannot be wished away. Roughly three-quarters of the next Catalan parliament is likely to vote for the right to decide. The constitution says only the Spanish parliament can approve a referendum — and it will not do so. The constitution has in general served both Spain and Catalonia well — but there is a case for updating it.
說歸說，但加泰羅尼亞問題不是想結束就能結束的。下屆加泰羅尼亞議會成員中大約四分之三將投票支持 " 自主決定權 "。雖說憲法規定隻有西班牙議會才能批準公投，但憲法可以修改——憲法不會否決加泰羅尼亞進行公投的權利，總體來說憲法對於西班牙和加泰羅尼亞同樣適用。
The Catalans ’ complaints come down to two things. First they feel that Mariano Rajoy ’ s conservative government in Madrid refuses to recognize that Spain is a pluri-national and pluri-linguistic country. Second, they think that, set beside the other 16 regions, they pay too much.
加泰羅尼亞的不滿主要歸結於兩件事上。第一，他們覺得馬裡亞諾 · 拉霍伊政府不承認西班牙是多民族國傢，擁有多種語言。第二，他們認為與其他 16 個地區相比，自己上繳的稅太多瞭。
The neatest answer to these grievances would be for Spain formally to embrace federalism, with a federal senate and clear rules about who collects which taxes. Federalism would mean each region was equal, with the same rights and obligations. But it has been a dirty word in Spain since a failed federal government in 1873-74. A messier, but more feasible, alternative would be to accept that some regions — Catalonia, the Basque country and perhaps Galicia — should have more autonomy than the rest and be recognized as cultural nations within Spain. Doing this would require a national pact to revise the constitution. After the Catalan vote, Mr. Rajoy would be wise to set that process in motion.
針對這些不滿，西班牙最直接的解決方案就是正式建立聯邦制，設立參議院，並明確征稅體制。而聯邦的建立將意味著地區平等，享有同等權利，履行同等義務。事實上早在 1873-74 就已嘗試過建立聯邦，卻以失敗而告終，從那以後西班牙一直把聯邦制當做污濁腐敗的代名詞。因此選擇一個相對較次但更可行的辦法將更容易為人接受——允許加泰羅尼亞、巴斯克和加利西亞等一些地區享有更多自治權，並承認其各自的文化。若采取這一措施，西班牙需要制定一個憲法修改協定，而且拉霍伊最好在加泰羅尼亞非正式公投後就行動起來。
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